‘Helping Africans’, by Albert Meltzer (1948)
Article from ‘Freedom: Anarchist Fortnightly’, December 24, 1948, London, UK
Anti-imperialism for many years, and particularly in the years between the world wars, was a touchstone of sincerity on the part of all bodies claiming to be “progressive” in this country, and most particularly was this the case as regards its international relations, because it was never considered by working-class bodies abroad that any British socialist movement could claim to be socialist if it were not anti-imperialist.
By accepting imperialism, British socialists would also accept the necessity for imperial war, identity of interests with their own ruling-class, oppression of the workers abroad, and the general nationalist ideas as against internationalist.
The Labour Party as such threw anti-imperialism overboard in the first minority governments and has always accepted the need for the Empire, rather fancying itself in the role of junior partner with capitalism for the share-out of the Empire.
The Communists were of course tied to Russian Imperialism but the conflict of this with their professed support for colonial workers did not become so apparent until 1941, when they became the most enthusiastic wavers of the flag and the patriotic of the chorus-leaders, causing the practical fold-up of their organisation in Eire [Ireland], their complete identification with ruling-class in India and Africa, while a curious anomaly existed in the Japanese-held countries until 1945, the C.P. supporting the Japanese militarists more or less, with some effort at independence from them, until the end of the Russo-Japanese peace and commercial treaties that preceded the fall of the atomic bomb.
Nevertheless, apart from these obvious phoney anti-imperialists there was considerable sympathy in working-class circles here for colonial independence and aims, and only the intangible and half-and-half polices of groups standing for the various anti-imperialist activities caused the lack of real support. It was never particularly clear what sort of action the Indian and African and other bodies –mostly composed of students and not, therefore, wholly conscious of proletarian possibilities — considered could be extended to the struggle in those countries by organised workers here.
In any case, too, the feelings of sympathy held by organised workers here were seldom translated into action — Spain being such a terrible example — owing to the illusion and dope of political action. But today it must frankly be admitted that little even of the desire remains, partly owing to the widespread belief that “the Labour Government has emancipated the Empire”, and partly owing to the betrayals by their own politicians of India and Pakistan. This latter, indeed, does at least show that we were not so sectarian as we were sometimes accused of being, when we nagged about the limitations of nationalist politics and how betrayal could be expected in the event of war and also in the event of home rule.
It must be said, however, that home rule in the Indian continent (even if this has been more occasioned by the rundown of the British Army than the anti-imperialism of the Labour leaders) is most overwhelmingly superior to imperialism in spite of the transformation of disciples of Gandhi to disciples of Caesar, and primarily the reason for this is not because the Indian masses have gained liberty — they have lost only one illusion, the nationalist one (in itself a gain) — but because the British workers have ceased to be oppressors there and can no longer be identified with the capitalist class in the rule of India.
But this still remains the ease in Africa; and the British Junkers are planning to make Africa a second India — to build out of the Central African colonies a new empire to replace the financially outworn old one. This would undoubtedly have initial support, even from some Africans, as an alternative to the menace of “White” South Africa.
There is no doubt whatever that under the progressive veneer of talk about helping the Africans by such plans as the “groundnuts” scheme, the Labour Government means to re-create an Empire in Africa. The “emancipation” of the Empire boils down to an acceptance of the fact that they cannot continue to hold down India against its millions, and have switched their plans to Africa.
The scheme for economic development, even more the switching of the Army Middle Eastern base to Kenya, give evidence of their preparedness to build a new colonial empire, and this must be seen in light of the fact that Africans have — since the impetus given them by the impudent Dr. Malan’s plan to deport Indians and segregate Africans — begun to stir and may yet find themselves in a life-and-death struggle with white supremacy. There is no doubt, as outlined in these columns before, that the British soldier will as usual be expected to pull the chestnuts out of the fire, and save the Malanders from what they brought on themselves.
It cannot be too much stressed that the African renascence would be a turning-point in world history; because there is no question that this problem has for long set the pace of events. White supremacy, which has largely come about by the historical accident of industrialisation proceeding at a faster pace in one part of the world than another, is setting the mark of a particular form of so-called civilisation on the world.
“Progress” over the major part of the world is simply a race towards Americanisation. From the free man’s point of view there is no objection to industrialisation for a purpose, within the framework of freedom, to ease the lot of man. But the world we are being driven towards is industrialisation for its own sake, man being fitted into a corner of the machine, and the only apparent challenge to it, the so-called Communist revolution, is only the same process with different apologies for the masters being on top.
Just as the opening up of America put the clock back a century or two, insofar as it saved capitalism, so the opening up of a new empire in Africa can solve the immediate problems, at the cost of great suffering, until the third, fourth or fifth atomic war finally puts an end to everything.
Defence of the African people, the taking up and asserting of the rights of the colonial worker, is the only honest course for the British worker, regardless of the attitude of the self-styled leaders who are rebels in opposition and policemen in office. It is also a course irrevocably bound up with any conception of social change and a free society.
Internationalist [Albert Meltzer’s known pseudonym]